Chapter Ten: Alliance of Interests

Two days later, Feng Chengqian spent his last penny and concluded his investigation among the people.

"Did you gain anything?" Frederick III cared little for how much Feng Chengqian had spent; his only concern was whether the time and money had yielded any results.

"Not quite yet. What I have is a rather unique feeling."

"What sort of feeling?"

"The English possess a profound sense of patriotism. Even those industrial workers who struggle to fill their bellies and toil day after day are deeply proud of being subjects of the British Empire."

"Patriotism is not unique to the English."

"Your Majesty is right. Yet it is essential to understand that patriotism is not only the noblest loyalty a subject can show to his homeland, but at times, it is also the final line of defense."

"And what do you mean by that?"

"Without patriotism, would those who labor and suffer remain content with their lot?"

"Well..."

"It is undeniable that the British Empire is immensely powerful, and its people are proud. Yet, there are many issues among the lower classes that escape common sight."

"For instance?"

"To begin with, industrial workers in Britain are far worse off than those in the Empire; their working and living conditions are abysmal."

Frederick III smiled. "Very well, even if you are right, what use is it?"

"How did Achilles die?"

Frederick III was momentarily taken aback, not immediately grasping the point.

"Your Majesty, the next war shall be a total war between great powers. The test will not be limited to armies; the very foundation of the nation—society itself, especially the populace at the lowest level—will be put to trial. Many problems ignored in times of peace are greatly magnified in war." Feng Chengqian paused briefly, then continued, "If we can fully exploit the enemy’s weaknesses, we will achieve victory with half the effort. The problems Britain faces now are like the heel of Achilles. As an old saying goes, a dam a thousand miles long can be destroyed by a single ant hole. When these seemingly trivial issues accumulate and explode all at once, they could bring the British Empire to ruin."

"It seems you are thinking far ahead."

"If we do not plan for the long term, we cannot hope to overcome the British Empire, much less supplant it."

"We?"

"As a subject, it is my duty to think for Your Majesty and for the Empire."

Frederick III chuckled. "So, you did gain quite a lot these two days. But you must stay and participate in the negotiations as the Empire’s Minister of War."

"Negotiations?" Feng Chengqian frowned.

"France has already issued loans to Russia, and Prime Minister Salisbury has taken the initiative to seek talks with us."

"To jointly confront the Franco-Russian Alliance?"

Frederick III nodded. "France is providing loans to help Russia build the Trans-Siberian Railway under the guise of aid. We are not the only ones under threat."

Feng Chengqian nodded as well, indicating he understood the Emperor’s meaning.

Among the great powers, Russia’s expansionist ambitions were the strongest. Though defeated badly in the Crimean and Russo-Turkish Wars, Russia had not abandoned its dreams of territorial expansion. Since Peter the Great, Russia’s greatest ambition had been to obtain an open, warm-water port.

In the Far East, Russia was actively seeking to acquire the Liaodong Peninsula.

In the Near East, Russia had long been nibbling away at the Ottoman Empire.

Though Britain was wary of the industrial potential of the German Empire, it feared above all a resurgent Russia.

To any politician, the proposed Trans-Siberian Railway was sure to become the foundation of Russia’s industrialization, or rather, its entry into the industrial age.

"What is Your Majesty’s view?"

"That is what I wanted to ask you."

Feng Chengqian smiled. "Salisbury’s initiative for negotiations clearly shows British authorities are uneasy about Russia’s growth."

"If not for Britain, Russia would have already dominated the Balkans."

"Essentially, what politicians like Salisbury fear is not so much Russia swallowing up territory as Russia becoming an industrial power."

Frederick III frowned, thinking the two concerns were essentially the same.

"In my view, Russia as it is now—and even in the foreseeable future—is not to be feared."

"Why?"

"Your Majesty, in land, population, and resources, can our Empire match Russia?"

"Well..."

"Of course not. Our Empire’s territory is less than a tenth of Russia’s, our population less than half, and our resources far inferior. Yet, are we weaker than Russia?"

Frederick III frowned, waiting for Feng Chengqian to continue.

"The industrial age has arrived, and in this era, a nation’s strength is no longer determined by territory, population, or resources." Feng Chengqian paused, then added, "In the age of industrialization, national power depends on industrial productive capacity. Certainly, Russia has vast lands, a large population, and rich resources, but what can one say of a nation that must import even its rifles? Russia today is a paper tiger, formidable in appearance but weak within—a threat unworthy of worry."

"You are not wrong, but Russia does have a solid foundation."

"Russia has a strong foundation, but it has not translated that into national strength through its systems."

"Systems?"

"Political and social systems."

Frederick III frowned again, pondering Feng Chengqian’s words.

"The outside world focuses only on Russia’s strength, yet few see its weaknesses. A country that denies its citizens equality and clings to serfdom has no bright future." Feng Chengqian smiled. "But this, of course, works to our advantage."

"You mean—this is an opportunity to ally with Britain?"

"Only on the surface."

"Why?"

"Britain may suppress Russia, but no matter how much Russia expands, it will not threaten Britain’s core interests. Russia’s chief aim is to dominate continental Europe, not to become a global colonial empire. To be precise, before it can dominate the continent, Russia will not seek more overseas colonies. Unfortunately, for us to grow strong, we must seek colonies abroad, inevitably threatening Britain’s core interests. Given two evils, Britain will now join us against France and Russia, but that does not guarantee it will stand with us in the future." Feng Chengqian let out a long breath. "The moment politicians like Salisbury perceive us as a greater threat than the Franco-Russian alliance, they will turn their guns on us and cooperate with France and Russia to contain us."

Frederick III nodded thoughtfully to show he understood.

"What we must do now is make the most of this opportunity, draw Britain to our side, and maintain friendly relations with Britain for as long as possible."

"And how do you intend to do that?"

"Me?" Feng Chengqian was caught off guard. "Your Majesty, I am merely the Minister of War. The Chancellor has always handled the Empire’s foreign affairs."

"The Chancellor is away; you must take his place."

"But—"

"Our relations with Britain are, at their core, military in nature, are they not?"

Feng Chengqian hesitated, then gave a wry smile. Frederick III’s meaning was clear: German-British cooperation was built on common interests, and containing France and Russia was itself political and military collaboration.

"You need not worry; this is only an initial contact."

"If Your Majesty commands, I can only obey."

"Unwilling?"

Feng Chengqian smiled. "Not unwilling, but I feel that overstepping my role is unwise. After all, I am just the Minister of War."

"You do speak very plainly."

"In Your Majesty’s presence, there is no need to mince words."

Frederick III shook his head with a smile. "So be it. Tomorrow, you will meet Salisbury and say what needs to be said."

"Any other instructions, Your Majesty?"

"Do you know much about Salisbury?"

Feng Chengqian said nothing, for he knew little.

"I have asked Gustav to prepare some materials for you to read when you have time," Frederick III said with a yawn. "That is all—off you go."

Seeing the Emperor’s fatigue, Feng Chengqian immediately rose and took his leave.

Salisbury was the leader of Britain’s Conservative Party. Before becoming Prime Minister, he had served multiple times as Secretary of State for India and as Foreign Secretary. As a Member of Parliament, he had fiercely opposed the Reform Act. As Foreign Secretary, he had attended the Berlin Congress aimed at checking Russian expansion in the Balkans, forcing Russia to revise the Treaty of San Stefano and relinquish the spoils of the Russo-Turkish War. Three years ago, Salisbury formed his first cabinet, then his second, during which he upheld a policy of coercion in Ireland and opposed Irish home rule. In foreign affairs, Salisbury adhered to a policy of “splendid isolation,” believing that Britain should not ally with any power in order to best maintain the European balance, and instead focus on seizing colonies and preventing upstart nations like the German Empire from growing strong.

There was no question that Salisbury was deeply hostile to the German Empire and saw its rise as a grave threat to Britain. Yet, as a politician, he understood that, for now, Germany was the key to containing the other continental powers.

A realist of his stripe would certainly be a difficult opponent.

But then, what politician is not a realist?

Feng Chengqian thought that Salisbury had much in common with Bismarck, though he lacked Bismarck’s fame.

The thought of negotiating face-to-face with Salisbury was something of a headache for Feng Chengqian.

Upon reflection, however, he felt at ease. If he could hold his own before a titan like Bismarck, why should he fear an obscure British Prime Minister?

Besides, it was Salisbury who had proposed the talks.

Clearly, it was Britain, not Germany, that needed the other more at the moment.

With his mind at ease, Feng Chengqian slept soundly and awoke refreshed.