Chapter Forty: Intervention of the Great Powers

After the total annihilation of the Beiyang Fleet, Li Hongzhang simultaneously organized resistance in Liaodong and actively sought peace negotiations with Japan.

Although Japan had achieved victory on the battlefield, its national strength was limited, and the enormous toll of the war had severely regressed its domestic economy. Even food supplies were extremely scarce, leading to serious social problems. Prime Minister Ito Hirobumi decided it would be wise to quit while ahead, fearing that if the great powers intervened, Japan might not even retain the spoils it had won. Thus, on February 2nd, he agreed to the Qing Dynasty’s request for peace talks.

By this time, Japan already held the upper hand and insisted that Li Hongzhang serve as the plenipotentiary representative, making the cession of territory and payment of indemnities prerequisites for negotiation. Otherwise, there was no need for representatives to go to Japan.

Did the Qing have any choice?

In March, Li Hongzhang, as plenipotentiary, traveled to Shimonoseki, Japan, accompanied by former U.S. Secretary of State John W. Foster.

Though the Beiyang Fleet had been completely destroyed, the flames of war in Liaodong had not yet been extinguished. Li Hongzhang proposed a ceasefire before negotiations commenced. Concerned about possible intervention by the great powers—and following an assassination attempt on Li by a Japanese ronin on the 24th—the Japanese authorities were forced to make concessions. On the 30th, a ceasefire agreement was signed, stipulating a twenty-one-day truce limited to the regions of Fengtian, Zhili, and Shandong.

Meanwhile, Japanese forces took the opportunity to move south, occupying the Penghu Islands and reaching for Taiwan—their intentions unmistakable.

The negotiations proved extremely arduous.

The meaning of the phrase “a weak nation has no diplomacy” was made starkly clear in these talks.

At the end of April, after receiving an imperial telegram from the Qing government, Li Hongzhang, on behalf of the Qing, signed the now-famous Treaty of Shimonoseki with Ito Hirobumi, the Japanese Prime Minister.

The date was April 21st, not April 17th as Feng Chengqian remembered. History had deviated, but not by much.

The Treaty of Shimonoseki contained six main provisions: first, the Qing recognized Korea as a fully independent nation, acknowledging Japan’s de facto control; second, the Qing ceded the Liaodong Peninsula, Taiwan and its affiliated islands, and the Penghu Islands to Japan; third, the Qing agreed to pay Japan an indemnity of three hundred million taels of silver; fourth, the Qing opened Shashi, Chongqing, Suzhou, Hangzhou, and Nanchang as treaty ports, allowed Japanese consuls, and granted Japanese ships free navigation rights at those ports; fifth, Japanese subjects at the treaty ports were granted diplomatic immunity and their imported and exported goods enjoyed most-favored-nation treatment; sixth, Japanese troops would temporarily occupy Weihaiwei, with the Qing paying an annual occupation fee of five hundred thousand taels of silver, and Japan would withdraw only after full payment.

In addition, there were several “separate agreements” and “special stipulations.”

News of the treaty’s terms caused an outcry not only throughout the Qing empire, with patriots rising in protest, but also among the previously indifferent great powers, who could no longer sit idle.

The benefits Japan had extracted from the Qing far exceeded the total gains any previous power had managed. Recall that just over fifty years earlier, Britain had demanded only twenty-one million silver dollars and the cession of Hong Kong in the Treaty of Nanking.

Perhaps the only one not shocked was Feng Chengqian.

There was but one difference between this Treaty of Shimonoseki and what he remembered: Japan had raised the indemnity to three hundred million taels of silver. This, too, was within Feng’s expectations, given the heavy losses Japan had suffered in the war and its government’s predictably voracious demands.

Now, at last, it was Feng Chengqian’s turn to take the stage.

On April 25th, Feng Chengqian met with the Russian ambassador to the Qing, who had come specifically to visit.

Even had the ambassador not come, Feng knew Russia would never stand idly by as the Liaodong Peninsula fell into Japanese hands. Liaodong was part of China’s northeast, and Russia had long sought to dominate that region; there was no way it would let Japan encroach upon it.

The Russian ambassador was frank: France had already agreed to intervene.

Feng did not immediately respond, but hinted that the German Empire had significant interests in China and would not tolerate Japanese arrogance.

After a two-day delay, Feng officially notified the Russian ambassador that the German Empire was willing to intervene.

Yet Russia did not act immediately, instead attempting to draw Britain and the United States into the fold, hoping to strengthen their hand and force Japan to retreat.

Was it necessary to involve Britain and America? Britain and Japan’s relations were cordial, with extensive trade ties; even considering its interests in China, Britain was unlikely to intervene. As for the United States, it was even less likely to act.

On April 29th, after Britain declared it would not interfere in Far Eastern affairs and the United States announced its neutrality, Russia took the lead, formally notifying Japan that it must strike the provision ceding the Liaodong Peninsula from the treaty, or else Russia would send troops to Liaodong to help the Qing defend their territory.

France followed suit, stating that if Japan did not return the Liaodong Peninsula, it would send forces to Penghu and Taiwan.

Feng Chengqian waited until the very end, and only on April 30th, in his capacity as Minister for Far Eastern Affairs of the German Empire, declared that if Japan refused to return the Liaodong Peninsula, the Imperial Far Eastern Fleet would be dispatched to the Shandong Peninsula to help the Qing recover Weihaiwei and other Japanese-occupied territories.

With Russia, France, and Germany united, Japan could hardly bear the pressure.

At that time, Russia was not prepared for war, France’s sphere of influence lay in southern China, and Germany held only Jiaozhou Bay. But Japan was still weak, fresh from a costly war; to oppose three great powers would be unthinkable.

On May 4th, the so-called Triple Intervention negotiations formally began.

As the German Minister for Far Eastern Affairs, Feng Chengqian represented the German Empire with full authority.

Japan offered little resistance. Russia, France, and Germany had made their intentions clear—there was no room for debate. Japan only insisted that since the treaty had taken effect, the Qing could buy back the Liaodong Peninsula, but demanded the astronomical sum of one hundred million taels of silver.

Russia and France did not object, for their concern was merely that Japan return the Liaodong Peninsula to the Qing, not by what means.

Feng Chengqian was unequivocal, asserting that Japan’s demand was excessive and impossible to meet.

The talks went on for days, with Feng refusing to yield.

During this time, he also informed Li Hongzhang, who had just returned home, that he would spare no effort to secure the Qing’s interests and prevent further losses.

Unfortunately, Feng’s earnest efforts met only with indifference.

Li Hongzhang, disheartened, did not oppose buying back the Liaodong Peninsula from Japan, not even at the price of one hundred million taels.

This was clearly not what Feng had expected.

Was it to end like this?

Feng understood all too well: should he give in now, Japan would soon become too powerful. Even if the Qing’s days were numbered, such an outcome would spell disaster for China’s future.

After much deliberation, Feng decided he could not let Japan succeed.

On May 7th, Feng approached the Russian and French plenipotentiaries with a compromise proposal: that Russia, France, and Germany jointly intervene, compelling Japan to relinquish Liaodong, Weihaiwei, and Taiwan. Russia would pay thirty million taels to lease Liaodong, France would pay twenty million for Taiwan, and Germany would pay twenty million for Shandong, leaving the Qing responsible for just thirty million taels.

Russia was very interested, although it thought Liaodong was not worth thirty million taels.

France was less interested in Taiwan, but after Russia’s support, agreed it was necessary to expand its influence in the Far East, reluctantly accepting Feng’s proposal but, like Russia, insisting that Taiwan was not worth twenty million taels.

Feng did not back down, suggesting that they pressure Japan to lower its demands.

Russia and France did not object, believing it worthwhile to make the effort.

Together, the three powers formally demanded that Japan accept fifty million taels for the return of Liaodong, Taiwan, and Shandong, or face war with all three.

That same day, Tirpitz led the Imperial Far Eastern Fleet out of Jiaozhou Bay.

According to their secret agreement, Russia’s Pacific Fleet also set out from Vladivostok into the Sea of Japan, while the French Far Eastern Fleet sailed from the South China Sea to the East China Sea.

Having issued their ultimatum, Feng Chengqian returned to Qingdao, at ease, to await Japan’s reply.

Accompanying him was Baron Richthofen.

“Count, do you really think this is necessary?”

“You mean, are we serving the Qing’s interests?” Feng Chengqian smiled. “I didn’t leave Imperial Navy business behind to come to China for mere amusement. If we miss this opportunity, we may never get Shandong.”

“You mean…”

“The Qing have just been defeated—morale is shattered and their pride even more so. As long as they can keep their land—even if it means leasing it to other countries—they save face. You’ve lived in China for years; surely you know the true nature of the Qing? Once Japan is checked, the Qing will lease Shandong to us, and we can use it as a base to expand our influence in the Far East.”

Richthofen nodded thoughtfully, then said, “But I suspect that’s not your sole purpose, is it, Count?”

“What do you think?”

“If it were only about Shandong, we could pressure the Qing afterward. There’s no need to confront Japan right now.”

“A weak Qing does us no good. If Japan grows strong, that’s even worse for us. Russia covets Manchuria and is determined to seize Liaodong; France is ambitious and already moving north. The real goal is to seize this chance to unite with Russia and France to contain Japan.”

He exhaled and said, “You should make arrangements so that Japan knows the Imperial Fleet is on its way at full speed. If they refuse to yield, we’ll have to act and force them to swallow this bitter pill.”

“You want to fight Japan?”

“Why not?”

“Well…”

“Don’t worry. The Qing indemnity hasn’t even been paid yet. Given Japan’s current state, it won’t dare challenge us for ten or twenty years. Besides, with Russia and France backing us, should hostilities break out, Japan won’t gain a thing. As long as Ito Hirobumi has any sense, he’ll accept reality.”

“If so, we must remember to count in Russia and France.”

“How you do it is up to you—I only set the goal.”

“Rest assured, Count. It will be done.”