Chapter Forty-Four: The Rise of a New Power

The ambitions of established powers and rising nations once again cast dark clouds of war over the Far East. At the end of the year, following Feng Chengqian’s advice, Frederick III decided to dispatch two additional battleships and two armored cruisers to the Far East, bolstering the strength of the fleet there. He also ordered the deployment of a marine corps of around two thousand men to Qingdao to reinforce control over the Shandong region of the Qing Empire.

Yet, as 1898 dawned, an event of even greater significance occurred. On February 15, 1898, the American warship Maine, stationed in Havana to protect its citizens, was sunk in an explosion, igniting the fuse of the Spanish-American War.

When the news arrived, Feng Chengqian was in the midst of receiving representatives of Qing laborers. By early 1898, half a million Qing laborers had journeyed to Germany. Because the expansion of the Kiel Canal was primarily for naval purposes, the project was supervised by the Naval Ministry. Previously, Tirpitz had handled these affairs, but after his departure for the Far East, Feng Chengqian appointed a naval engineer to oversee the work. Over the years, the quality of Qing laborers had gained recognition from the Empire, and Feng Chengqian was continually striving to secure their interests. For example, last year, he persuaded Crown Prince Wilhelm to formally petition the Kaiser to grant laborers who had completed five years of service the status of quasi-citizens, allowing them to remain in the country.

Curiously, it was not Feng Chengqian or the Crown Prince who advocated most passionately for the laborers, but the industrialists. If all went well, the Imperial Parliament would soon review a bill specifically addressing the settlement rights of laborers, proposed by several deputies representing the Empire’s entrepreneurs. This bill would grant all eligible laborers the rights of imperial citizens—excluding only the right to vote—and permit them to reside permanently in Germany. If passed, tens of thousands of laborers would have the hope of remaining within the Second German Empire.

The enthusiasm of the industrialists was hardly driven by philanthropy. Compared to the established empires of Britain, France, and Russia, the Second German Empire’s greatest challenge lay in the contradiction between its booming industrial capital and the scarcity of resources, markets, and especially labor. Resources and markets could be sought through overseas colonies, and labor was no exception.

Take Britain for example: although few foreigners immigrated to Britain, British enterprises alleviated domestic labor shortages by shifting production overseas, such as setting up factories in India, thus fueling rapid industrial growth.

Unfortunately, the Second German Empire lacked vast colonies. After its founding, Germany’s industry developed rapidly, and the demand for labor soared. According to Feng Chengqian’s information, the Empire’s greatest problem was its shortage of industrial workers; many companies struggled to expand quickly due to recruitment difficulties.

Half a million Qing laborers formed an army of workers. It was no wonder they attracted the attention of the Empire’s industrialists. Against this backdrop, Feng Chengqian personally established contact with labor representatives and labor groups, aiming to wield influence over this workforce.

It should be noted that these robust laborers could, under certain circumstances, be transformed into a formidable army.

Of course, to secure their support, Feng Chengqian had to deliver tangible benefits. Over several years, he had done much for the Qing laborers. When the first group arrived in Germany, he drew ten thousand imperial marks from the strained naval budget to hire language teachers and set up remedial classes for German and English. Subsequently, he allocated tens of thousands of marks annually from the naval funds for skills training.

According to Feng Chengqian’s plans, over a million Qing laborers would eventually work in Germany, receiving language and vocational training before commencing their duties. While many would remain in Germany as special citizens without voting rights, others would return to the Qing Empire—yet a portion would stay by Feng Chengqian’s side, forming a force not to be underestimated.

If history unfolded without major upheaval, this force would play a pivotal role in just over a decade.

Feng Chengqian’s demands were modest; as long as fifty to a hundred thousand laborers were willing to stay and fight and sacrifice for the future of their nation, that would suffice.

The first steps are always the hardest, and everything must proceed gradually. At this stage, Feng Chengqian had only selected a few outstanding labor representatives, testing their loyalty and refraining from expanding the group too quickly.

After bidding farewell to the labor delegates, Feng Chengqian hurried to the Potsdam Palace. Except for the bedridden Bismarck, all imperial ministers had arrived, and Kaiser Frederick III was inquiring about the situation and seeking opinions on the sinking of the Maine.

What did this incident have to do with the Empire? After much discussion, most ministers failed to offer any insightful views, and Feng Chengqian did not rush to speak.

When the audience ended, Frederick III, as usual, kept Feng Chengqian behind.

“You didn’t say anything at first—now you may speak.”

“Does Your Majesty believe we can take advantage of the conflict between America and Spain?”

Frederick III nodded—he was thinking precisely that.

“It is indeed an opportunity, but not one we can exploit.”

“Why not?”

Feng Chengqian smiled and said, “Undeniably, America’s momentum surpasses ours. Though also a rising power with few overseas colonies, America’s vast territory spans the continent, and developing just its western regions is enough to satisfy its industrial needs. For labor, America can rely on Latin America and even draw workers from the Far East. Its resources are unparalleled. As for its geopolitical position, few nations can compare. In time, America is certain to grow even stronger.”

“According to your logic, America is Britain’s enemy.”

“If we speak only of nations, America is indeed Britain’s rival. But from the standpoint of ethnicity, America and Britain are allies.”

“This…”

“In the short term, America will focus on its domestic affairs; even if it expands outward, it will seek to increase its influence across the Atlantic. Britain’s traditional spheres are not in Latin America, but in India, the Far East, and Africa. Thus, America’s expansion will not immediately threaten Britain. Of course, America will build a powerful navy for its expansion, but the vast Atlantic is a far greater barrier than the North Sea. When Britain guards against America, it must also watch for threats across the North Sea. Were I British, I would first worry about nearby dangers, not distant potential threats.”

“So you mean…”

“If Britain lacks confidence in defeating us alone and cannot reliably ally with France and Russia, it will likely choose to ally with America.”

“This…”

“No matter what, America was once Britain’s colony. Even if old grievances exist, interests will make them friends again. More importantly, America’s main population is New Englanders—descendants of British settlers.” Feng Chengqian paused, then continued, “From another perspective, shrewd Americans won’t take the lead. If given the choice, replacing Britain after its decline is far more profitable than challenging it directly. Unfortunately, we do not have that option—America does.”

Frederick III nodded thoughtfully, indicating he understood Feng Chengqian’s meaning.

“In any case, America’s expansion is not a bad thing; it gives Britain another headache and reduces its focus on us.”

“So you suggest we simply watch and wait?”

“If nothing we do can alter the outcome, why should we take the lead?”

Frederick III nodded, agreeing, “That is wise. The Empire is not yet strong enough; there is no need to involve ourselves in trivial matters.”

Seeing the Kaiser understood, Feng Chengqian said no more.

The events of the next few months unfolded much as Feng Chengqian had predicted. In late April, America formally declared war on Spain, dispatched troops to the Philippines, annihilated Spain’s Far East fleet at Manila, and swiftly occupied the archipelago. Two months later, American forces surrounded and destroyed Spain’s fleet in Santiago, seized Cuba, and soon captured Puerto Rico. With defeat inevitable, Spain was forced to ask France to mediate. By mid-August, America announced a ceasefire—the Spanish-American War was over.

Given the disparity in strength, this war was never in doubt.

Yet America’s expansion in the Western Pacific triggered a series of chain reactions—most notably affecting Japan, also on the rise.

After Russia, France, and Germany intervened, resulting in Taiwan’s occupation by France, not only did Ito Hirobumi’s cabinet collapse, but Japan’s military revised its strategic plans. Though Japan’s strategy largely focused on the northern advance, supporting such a move into Manchuria required access to resource-rich regions, meaning the southern advance had to proceed simultaneously. Aside from Taiwan, only the Philippines could support Japan’s southern ambitions.

With America occupying the Philippines, Japan’s southern route was blocked. Russia’s lease of the Liaodong Peninsula similarly obstructed the northern path.

Thus, Japan faced a stark choice: either remain trapped on its archipelago or pick a rival between America and Russia to open a path for development.

America or Russia?

If only the Far East were considered, Japan should choose America. America, as a rising power, had little desire for foreign expansion and its military was not yet formidable. Russia, by contrast, could leverage the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway to expand its military presence in the region and possessed a strong appetite for expansion. But internationally, Japan could only treat Russia as its main adversary.

The reason was simple: Japan had to rely on Britain, and Britain regarded Russia as its chief rival in the Far East, while America was Britain’s ally in the region. In other words, Japan, to rely on Britain, could not offend America and could only direct its hostility toward Russia, which was allied with France.

Thus, the Spanish-American War became one of the cornerstones for Japan's eventual conflict with Russia.