Chapter Sixty-Nine: Resolute and Unyielding
On the fifth day after the German Empire issued its ultimatum to Russia, that is, on July 27th, Austria-Hungary officially declared war on Serbia.
The main reason for Austria-Hungary’s sluggish action lay in the failure of its war mobilization to proceed as planned.
On the European continent, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, ruled by the Habsburg dynasty, was a truly unique nation—the world’s only dual monarchy. Not only was it home to several populous nationalities, but it also comprised two kingdoms of equal status: Austria and Hungary. As a result, beneath the imperial central government, the Austrian and Hungarian national governments each held considerable sway.
Clearly, this was a loose federation.
Politically, any decision made by the imperial government required the simultaneous support of both Austria and Hungary to become effective.
Such political decay ensured that Austria-Hungary was far from a strong state.
Mobilization, which should have been completed by July 20th, was not essentially in place until the 27th, and even then, only for operations against Serbia.
On that day, four hundred thousand Austro-Hungarian troops on the Serbian front entered a state of combat readiness.
According to the war plan devised by Conrad, the Austro-Hungarian Army would first invade Serbia, aiming to defeat and occupy this Balkan nation in short order. If all went well, they would be able to redeploy their forces to the Russian front before Russia could intervene.
It must be admitted that Conrad was a strategist of considerable talent.
Or rather, had he been the supreme commander of the German Empire, his strategic gifts would have achieved their full potential.
Unfortunately, he was Chief of Staff of Austria-Hungary.
Given the quality of the Austro-Hungarian military, Conrad’s grand war plan was pure fantasy; nothing would proceed smoothly.
On July 28th, the vanguard of the Austro-Hungarian Army crossed the border into Serbian territory.
Although Serbia had mobilized first, its national strength was weak, its army small; it was no match for Austria-Hungary.
At that time, domestic strife in Serbia was also severe.
All these factors led the Serbian Army to offer only token resistance at the border; for the most part, they withdrew without a fight, relinquishing the frontier defenses to the Austrians.
The Austrian advance into Serbia marked the end of all hopes for peace.
On July 29th, Russia announced a general mobilization for war.
A day later, Austria-Hungary also declared general mobilization.
That night, Feng Chengqian was summoned once again for a private audience with the German Emperor, and hurried to the Potsdam Palace in the dead of night.
That afternoon, Feng Chengqian had learned that Russia had entered into war talks with France. France promised to join hostilities immediately should Germany declare war on Russia, and was actively persuading Britain to do the same. Although there was no final word from Britain, there was every reason to believe Britain would join at the opportune moment. More importantly, Russia was certain to declare war on Austria-Hungary on August 1st or 2nd.
Was there still any hope of averting disaster?
Feng’s heart was heavy as he met the Emperor.
With the situation so far advanced, even if the German Emperor, Tsar, and Emperor of Austria sat down together for face-to-face negotiations, it would be almost impossible to halt the war machine already in motion.
The Emperor’s mood was little better. All signs indicated that the impending conflict would be utterly unlike any he had experienced or participated in before. Forty-three years after its founding, the German Empire now faced its gravest test of survival.
If the war was won, Frederick III would surpass his father and become the William the Great of the German Empire.
If the war was lost, he would be its last emperor.
In such dire straits, the Emperor could hardly be cheerful.
The Privy Council had already concluded that afternoon, and the ministers had all departed, so there was no need for the Emperor to rush into business with Feng Chengqian.
They chatted idly for half an hour before the Emperor finally returned to the matter at hand.
“Today I received word that France has given a positive answer to Russia’s proposal and has begun secret mobilization for war. Moltke the Younger advises immediate war against both Russia and France. Bernstorff believes there is still a chance to resolve the crisis through diplomacy. Bethmann, as always, keeps his counsel.” The Emperor sighed. “The situation is clear: if we declare war on Russia, France will enter the fray. Moltke is confident, certain that Russia will strike Austria-Hungary first, giving us time to deal with France. But there are serious flaws in his plan. If we cannot defeat France within two months, I fear…”
“These matters have already been considered,” Feng interjected.
“That may be, but should we really take such a risk?”
“Your Majesty means…”
“War will break out on two fronts. Britain’s position remains uncertain. If we rush into war, the consequences will be unimaginable.”
Feng Chengqian nodded thoughtfully. The Emperor was not indecisive, but extremely cautious.
After a moment’s contemplation, Feng spoke: “In that case, we must strive to win more nations’ support and sympathy, to convince people that this war was not of our making—that we too are victims, and that even as war erupts, we are still working for peace.”
“You mean…”
“Since France has not yet announced mobilization, we can make one last effort.”
The Emperor frowned, not quite grasping Feng’s meaning.
“We should issue simultaneous ultimatums to France and Russia, lowering our demands somewhat—for example, requiring Russia and France to withdraw their border troops by twenty kilometers and suspend all mobilization. To show our good faith, we would take reciprocal measures.”
“But—”
“Of course, there is a risk: if we act and France and Russia do not, the Empire’s security will be threatened.”
The Emperor nodded; this was his concern.
“In fact, that possibility does not exist.”
“Oh?”
“Russia’s mobilization is aimed only at Austria-Hungary, so Russia will certainly reject our proposal, and France will not go against Russia.”
“So it amounts to nothing.”
“Militarily, yes. But diplomatically, it means a great deal. For one thing, we can present this to Britain, showing that we are not the ones pushing for war—Russia and France are. We have done everything in our power to avoid conflict.”
The Emperor nodded thoughtfully, seeming to comprehend at last.
“Once that is done, we can declare full mobilization. Britain will have no grounds for protest and, at the very least, will not join the war simply because we are fighting Russia and France.”
“It seems that is all we can do.”
“But this is only a temporary expedient.”
“You mean…”
“If we do not adjust our war plan, Britain will still intervene, possibly immediately.”
“That—”
“I have carefully reviewed Marshal Moltke’s plan. The part about marching through Luxembourg and Belgium will be the trigger for Britain’s entry.”
“I know,” the Emperor sighed. “Yet Moltke insists, and claims he will resign if his plan is not adopted. I have canvassed other commanders, and their opinions are the same.”
“What about the Crown Prince?”
The Emperor smiled. “Wilhelm has submitted his plan. It is much like the one Marshal Schlieffen once drafted. It repairs the fatal flaw of invading Luxembourg and Belgium outright, but requires a thorough redeployment of forces. Were we granted a year, I would adopt that plan, maybe even replace the obstinate Moltke. Alas, we have not a year—perhaps not even a month. It is too late to change now.”
Feng Chengqian sighed inwardly; he had not expected war to break out so soon when he advised the Crown Prince to draft a new war plan.
“If Britain joins the war, what then?”
“Your Majesty…”
“You were once First Lord of the Admiralty, now you are a senior staff officer at Naval Command. I have already ordered Tirpitz to promote you to the rank of Lieutenant Commander and appoint you as Operations Officer. Against Britain, the key is at sea; surely you cannot be at a loss?”
“Well—”
“In the face of great danger, we must be prepared.”
Feng did not hesitate further. “If Britain joins, it will be difficult for them to play a decisive role on land in the short term. The British Army is small and scattered across the globe; they cannot quickly mass large forces in Europe. If war breaks out next month, by year’s end Britain may send at most two hundred thousand men—hardly enough for a leading role.”
“So our main theatre with Britain will be at sea?”
Feng nodded. “The best way to check Britain is to tie down the Royal Navy at sea and threaten the British Isles, forcing them to reinforce their home defenses. Of course, land operations matter too, because Britain will not remain as it is—they will eventually mobilize great ground forces. Thus, our naval actions are a short-term measure; our main objective is to assist the army in defeating France quickly. Once France falls, Britain will be left on the sidelines.”
The Emperor nodded, signaling his understanding.
“In that case, the navy must—”
“Naval operations will be your and Tirpitz’s responsibility. In addition to naming you Operations Officer, I will bestow a special appointment upon you.” The Emperor exhaled deeply. “If we cannot prevent Britain’s intervention, then we must defeat her—perhaps even supplant her.”
Hearing this, Feng Chengqian felt reassured.
At this point, Frederick III—once the Queen of England’s son-in-law—had truly severed all ties with Britain.