Chapter 131: The Doomsday of the Empire

In the history familiar to Feng Chengqian, the initiator of Russia’s October Revolution was the person sent back to Russia by Ludendorff, though that occurred two years later. History had changed; Russia’s internal turmoil had already ignited the flames of revolution, making it entirely possible for the revolution to erupt two years earlier.

Two days later, Ludendorff located the individual Feng Chengqian had mentioned.

By this time, Ludendorff had formally requested the German Emperor for an extension of four months. If by the end of 1915 Russia had not been defeated, he would assume command of the German forces on the Western Front and, according to the Emperor’s wishes, shift focus to the West, concentrating forces to attack France.

Feng Chengqian and Tirpitz presented similar proposals to the Emperor.

Though the Emperor felt there was no need to wait four months and Falkenhayn consistently emphasized the urgency of launching a strategic offensive against France, the Emperor ultimately agreed to Ludendorff and his associates’ request, deciding to shift focus to the Western Front in 1916.

To this end, Feng Chengqian and Tirpitz also provided guarantees.

In simple terms, the Imperial Navy had to ensure the North Sea routes remained unobstructed throughout 1915, continuing to exert pressure on the British Royal Navy.

In fact, there was no need to wait until the end of 1915.

On August 17, Russia erupted in a bourgeois revolution. Led by Kerensky, Russian bourgeois revolutionaries launched an uprising in Saint Petersburg to overthrow the Romanov dynasty, with hundreds of thousands of workers, peasants, citizens, and even soldiers joining this large-scale revolution.

Two days later, Tsar Nicholas II fled Saint Petersburg and dispatched Cossack cavalry to suppress the uprising.

Unfortunately, the Cossack cavalry, once the Tsar’s personal guards, not only failed to suppress the revolutionaries but after arriving in Saint Petersburg, joined the uprising forces.

The reason was simple: the brave Cossacks no longer wished to continue fighting.

In the past year, over one million Cossack cavalrymen had become cannon fodder, and the Tsar’s forced conscription order sent even more young Cossacks to their deaths.

By August 24, the insurgents had seized Saint Petersburg.

Faced with the surging tide of revolution, Nicholas II was forced to compromise.

On August 25, Nicholas II announced the appointment of the more progressive Grand Duke Nicholas, his cousin, as plenipotentiary minister responsible for drafting reform bills.

Yet, on the most critical issue, the Tsar made no concession.

That was to immediately negotiate peace with the Central Powers.

Clearly, Nicholas II had no intention of ending the war. Perhaps, in his view, his commitments to Britain and France outweighed the interests of his own people.

In fact, Nicholas II never intended to negotiate with the revolutionaries.

While appointing Grand Duke Nicholas to draft reforms, the Tsar secretly mobilized troops, preparing to retake Saint Petersburg from revolutionary control.

On August 30, a Russian army deserter leaked the Tsar’s secret.

On September 1, Kerensky announced the formation of a bourgeois government. The next day, revolutionary forces took control of the Winter Palace, imprisoning the Tsar and his family members who had been directing the Russian army remotely from there.

The day after, Kerensky’s bourgeois government began contact with Britain and France.

Interestingly, Kerensky did not intend for Russia to exit the war; after securing assurances from Britain and France, he decided to continue the fight.

Of course, this also related to Britain and France.

What Britain and France needed was a Russia that could still fight, not one that withdrew from the war.

Who ruled Russia was irrelevant.

In other words, as long as Kerensky was willing to continue fighting, Britain and France were prepared to recognize his regime’s legitimacy.

This was precisely the condition Britain and France set: as long as Kerensky did not compromise with the German Empire, they would recognize him as Russia’s sole government. At that time, Britain and France even hinted that after the war’s end, they would assist Kerensky in establishing a democratic government.

In the end, Kerensky broke the promises made at the uprising.

He did not declare a ceasefire but ordered Brusilov to launch an offensive in September, aiming to prove Russia would not exit the war, nor compromise with the Central Powers occupying Russian territory, nor concede defeat due to regime change.

Did the Russian army have the capability to launch an offensive?

Brusilov was merely a soldier; with Kerensky in command, he had to obey orders.

Unfortunately, Ludendorff was ready on the opposing side.

On September 12, Russian forces launched an offensive on the Eastern Front but were repelled by the Germans the same day; the attack quickly turned into a comprehensive retreat.

Within the next three days, the disheartened Russian army lost 1.5 million soldiers.

On September 16, Brusilov was forced to order the frontline troops to abandon the offensive and switch to defense.

Because the Germans had suddenly captured over a million Russian soldiers and had yet to properly manage the prisoners from Operation Barbarossa, they had to halt their advance, lest the overwhelming number of prisoners or those who had voluntarily surrendered overwhelm the German forces.

This offensive not only cost the Russian army over a million men but also doomed Kerensky’s government.

On the day the fighting ceased, Ludendorff did something crucial: he assigned someone to escort the individual Feng Chengqian had located back to Russia.

This act planted a spark within Russia.

At the end of September, Saint Petersburg erupted once more into a large-scale riot. Hundreds of thousands of insurgents took to the streets, demanding Kerensky’s government immediately cease all war activities and negotiate an armistice with the German Empire, ending the war that had claimed millions of Russian lives.

Like the Tsar before him, Kerensky refused to compromise and deployed troops to suppress the uprising.

Clearly, Kerensky was little better than the Tsar. In a sense, he was merely a political opportunist whose goal was not to lead Russia out of the war’s abyss but to use the conflict to seize power and even replace the Tsar as Russia’s supreme ruler.

Unfortunately, the vast majority of Russians no longer wished to fight.

On October 2, the Saint Petersburg riot escalated into a second revolution. The troops sent by Kerensky to suppress the uprising turned their guns away from the rebels and instead joined them. On the same day, the Russian Baltic sailors also joined the uprising. The cruiser Aurora, which had narrowly survived the Russo-Japanese War, fired the first shot against Kerensky’s regime, and the insurgent forces swiftly seized the Winter Palace.

Faced with the overwhelming wave of rebellion, Kerensky’s performance was even worse than the Tsar’s.

That night, accompanied by British diplomats, Kerensky disguised himself as a diplomat, took refuge in the British embassy, and two days later fled Russia.

On October 5, the Russian proletarian government was established.

That same day, this nascent regime sent a signal to the German Empire, demanding an immediate ceasefire and armistice negotiations.

By the time the news arrived, Feng Chengqian had already returned to Wilhelmshaven.

Russia’s willingness to cease hostilities was undoubtedly the best news for the German Empire, as it meant two million German troops on the Eastern Front could be redeployed to the Western Front. This also meant Germany could launch a strategic offensive in the West while Britain’s war capabilities were at their lowest. Indeed, it gave Germany hope of ending the war in 1916. At least, once the Imperial Army concentrated its main forces on the Western Front, there was a possibility of concluding the continental war that year.

That evening, Feng Chengqian hurried back to Berlin.

His mission was not to exploit the opportunity ruthlessly but to know when to stop.

Unfortunately, he arrived too late.

That afternoon, Ludendorff returned and personally proposed to the Emperor that they should seize this chance to force Russia to sign extremely harsh terms—such as ceding territories and compensating war damages—to make up for the Empire’s losses and simultaneously undermine the foundation of Russia’s revival.

Ludendorff’s thinking was not wrong, but was there a realistic need for this?

It must be understood that Russia had not been defeated on the battlefield but rather by internal collapse. Russia had exhausted its resources in this war, and apart from desolate lands, there was nothing worth coveting. What benefit would the Empire gain from acquiring Russian territory?

“You mean, to treat Russia leniently?”

“Your Majesty, I know leniency is usually ineffective with a country like Russia, but we must consider the current reality.”

The Emperor smiled and encouraged Feng Chengqian to continue.

“If Russia still had the capacity to fight, it would not be begging us for peace. All signs indicate Russia can no longer continue. In other words, Russia has depleted its resources. Even if we force Russia to sign an unequal armistice, we may not gain much from it. For one, Russia does not have enough food to support its people, let alone pay us reparations. Since we cannot derive substantial benefits from this armistice, why sow the seeds of the next war?”

Feng Chengqian paused briefly and said, “No unequal treaty can bring true peace. We cannot completely crush Russia, nor prevent it from reviving decades later to become our primary adversary again. Perhaps even an equal armistice cannot guarantee permanent peace, but at least it would ease our war burden and maintain good relations with Russia, offering us greater advantages.”

“What kind of advantages?”

“It would allow us to lower our troop deployments on the Eastern Front to a minimum and concentrate forces against Britain and France.”

The Emperor nodded thoughtfully, indicating he understood Feng Chengqian’s point.

“Of course, necessary punishments cannot be omitted.”

“You mean...?”

“For example, we could have Russia sign a long-term trade agreement, enabling us to acquire essential wartime supplies from Russia at relatively low prices.” Feng Chengqian glanced at the Emperor and continued, “If necessary, we might even assist Russia in restoring production. After all, Britain and France have not been defeated, and no one can guarantee they will fall next year. We must prepare for the long term.”

“It seems you are thinking further ahead than Ludendorff.”